But now it is interesting to observe the life of these rich. In the English-French world, there exists a so-called democracy. You know, after all, this democracy distinguishes by the following: It means that it is supposedly the rule of the folk. Well, the folk, after all, must possess some kind of possibility to give expression to its thoughts or its wishes. If one looks at this problem more closely, then one can ascertain that the folk in itself primarily has no conviction at all there, rather naturally has the conviction presented to it, like everywhere, by the way. And the decision is now: Who determines this conviction of a folk? Who enlightens a folk? Who forms a folk? In these lands, capital actually rules, this means, it is a band of a few hundred people, in the final analysis, who are in possession of vast fortunes and as a result of the unique construction of state life there are more or less totally independent and free. For it is said, “we have freedom here”, and they mean by that, above all, “free economy”. And by free economy, they again mean the freedom to not just acquire capital, to be free in the acquisition of capital from any governmental, this means folkish, supervision, but also to be free in the use of capital from any governmental or folkish supervision. That is, in reality, the concept of their freedom.
And this capital then, it initially creates for itself a press. They talk about the freedom of the press. In reality, each of these newspapers has a master. And this master is in each case the money-giver, thus the owner. And this master now directs the inner picture of this newspaper, not the editor. If he wants today to write something different than fits the master, then he is kicked out the next day. This press then, which is the absolutely servile, unscrupulous lackey of its owner, this press then models public opinion. And the public opinion mobilized by the press is again divided into parties. These parties differentiate themselves from each other as they previously differentiated themselves from each other among us. You know them, after all, the old parties. It was always one and the same thing. Usually, even in these lands, it is so that the families are divided up; one is conservative, the other is liberal, and a third, in England, he is with the Labor Party. In reality, all three family members get together annually and direct very precisely their further bearing, set it down. Additionally, the chosen folk, after all, is a community everywhere and now actually moves and directs all these organizations. Hence nothing comes out of it, even given an opposition. The opposition is actually always the same, and in all basic things, where an opposition would have to make itself noticeable, they are always one and the same, there they have a conviction. These parties with this press, they form public opinion.
Now one would have to think that, above all, in these lands of freedom and wealth, an unprecedented prosperity for the folk would have to exist. But it is the opposite. In these lands, the distress of the broad masses is greater than anywhere else. There is this wealthy England, 40 million square kilometers are controlled by it, hundreds of millions of colonial workers with a pitiful living standard, in India, for example, must be active for it. One would have to think then, in this England itself, there actually everyone would have to be a shareholder in this wealth. Quite the opposite, in these lands, the class difference is the greatest that one can imagine. Poverty, inconceivable poverty, on the one hand, and, on the other, just as inconceivable wealth. They have not solved one problem. These are lands that possess the treasures of the earth, and their workers, they house in pitiful holes; lands that possess the natural resources of the world, and the mass broad is miserably clothed; lands that could have more than enough bread and all other fruits, and millions in their lower strata do not have enough to fill their stomachs, run around starved. People who, on the one hand, could manage to provide with world with work must experience that they cannot eliminate unemployment even in their own land. This rich England has for decades now had 2 ½ million unemployed. This rich America 10 to 13 million year after year. This France 6, 7, 800,000. Yes, my folk comrades, what then do we first want to say about ourselves? But it is also understandable. In these lands of so-called democracy, the folk is not put at the center point of observation at all. What is decisive, is exclusively the existence of these few makers of democracy, this hence means the existence of these few hundred gigantic capitalists, who are in possession of their assets, all their stocks, and who, in the final analysis, exclusively direct these folks. The broad mass does not interest them in the least. It interests them, just like previously our bourgeois parties, only at election time, then they need its votes. Otherwise they are totally indifferent to the life of the broad mass.
Additionally, there is the difference of education. Is it not downright funny, if we now hear that an English Labor Party, which, furthermore, as opposition, is officially paid by the government, if an English Labor Party man says: “When the war comes to an end, then we also want to do a few things in social regard. Above all, then the English worker as well should be able to travel.” – This is splendid, that they now come up with the idea that travelling should exist not only for millionaires, rather also for the folk.
But we already solved that among us some time ago, these problems.
No, you believe it, in these states, this is shown by their whole economic structure, in the final analysis, the egoism of a relatively very small stratum rules there under the clock of democracy. And this stratum is corrected and controlled by nobody. And it is understandable, if an Englishman hence says: “We do not want our world to somehow perish.” They are right. They know quite well: Their empire is not threatened by us at all. But they rightly say: “If these ideas, which are becoming popular in Germany, are not eliminated and exterminated, then they will also come over our folk. And that is the dangerous thing, we do not wish that.” It would harm them, if it were to come. But they are so narrow-minded, just like so many were also narrow-minded among us. They simply live in the area of their conservative former practice. They do not want to distance themselves from it. They do not hide it. They say: “All these methods do not suit us.”
And what kind of methods are they then? Yes, you know, my comrades, I have smashed nothing in Germany, after all. I have always proceeded very carefully, because, as said, I believe that we cannot allow ourselves at all to lay something in ruins. It was my pride that the revolution of 1933 went off without a broken windowpane. But, nonetheless, we have brought about huge changes.
I want to state just a few basic views: Initially, there is the first view: In this world of capitalist democracies, the most important economic principle goes: The folk exists for the economy, and the economy exists for capital. – And we have reserved this principle, namely: Capital exists for the economy, and the economy exists for the folk. This means in other words: The primary thing is the folk, everything else is only means to an end. That is the purpose. If an economy does not manage to nourish a folk, to clothe it etc., then it is bad, quite regardless of whether a few hundred people say: “but for me, it is good, splendid, my dividends are great.” I admit that. Dividends do not interest me in the least. I do not doubt that this is impossible in our state. Yes, it must not be. We have drawn boundaries here. One says immediately: “Yes, you see, that is simply it. You terrorize freedom.” Yes, we terrorize it, if freedom comes at the expense of the community. Then we eliminate it.
These people have the possibility – I wish to give you just one example – to draw from their armaments industry 76%, 80%, 95%, 140%, 160% dividends. Yes, naturally, they say, if these methods spread, this will cease. They are completely right there, I will not tolerate that. I believe that 6% are sufficient. And of this 6%, we again take away half. And of the rest, we must know the proof that it is again invested in the interest of the folk community. This hence means that the individual does not have the right to administer totally free what must be invested in the interest of the folk community. If he personally controls it reasonably, it is fine. If he does not administer it reasonably, then the National Socialist state intervenes.
Or another example: Aside from these dividends, there are then the so-called board of director fees. Perhaps you do not know at all how fertile the activity of a board of directors is. One must take a trip once a year and go to the train station. One must sit in the first class section and travel to somewhere. And then one must go into a restaurant, around 10:00 or 11:00, accordingly, and then a report is read aloud there. And one must then listen. And when the report has been read aloud, then one must listen, while a few people say something about it, and this can naturally even last over the mealtime, it can become 1:00 or 2:00, and after 2:00, one must stand up again, and one must then make one’s return trip again. One must travel back, travel back first class! And probably everybody has the right to demand as compensation each year so 60,000 or 80,000 or 100,000 Marks – that is also how it was among us previously. For he apparently misses a lot, after all, and besides, the effort must also be paid for.
This nonsense, we have simply eliminated among us, however. And it had only been a concealment of profits, nothing more at all. And, above all, it was a means of bribery. For the delegates are board of directors members.
That also existed among us. We have eliminated that. No delegate may be a board of directors member, unless totally uncompensated. Any kind of payment is excluded, excluded in any form. In these lands, it simply is not. They now say: “yes, for us, that is a sacred state.” I admit it, it also gets itself paid for it. But whether this state is also sacred for the folks, that is something else. I believe, it is harmful to the folks. I believe one cannot maintain that, that a person toils and works for a whole year and then receives a downright ridiculous wage in comparison, and another person, he sits himself down in a meeting and cashes in a huge salary for it. Those are impossible conditions.
We National Socialists also oppose any leveling on the other hand. If today somebody through his genius invents something momentous, produces through his mental work a huge benefit, then we are generous. That is work then. The man then benefits our folk community. But to live as drone in this folk community, we must gradually make that impossible.
And see, I can expand this to infinity. But those are two worlds, which confront each other, and they are completely right in England, if they say: “we can never reconcile with the world”. How can such a capitalist reconcile himself with my principles! Sooner can the devil enter the church and receive consecrated water, than they can deal with ideas that are self-evident for us today.
But in exchange, we have also solved our problems, after all. My folk comrades, one will also, for example, reproach us. One says: “We fight for the preservation of the gold standard of currency.” I understand that. They have the gold. We also had gold once. Once then stole it from us and extorted it from us. When I came to power, I had no maliciousness, when I abolished the gold standard. There was namely no gold there. It was also not difficult for me to carry out this abolition. If one has nothing, then one can easily part from what one does not have. We had no gold. We had no money. One had extorted everything from us over the course of fifteen years.
But now, my folk comrades, I was also not unhappy about it. We have a totally different economic view. According to our view, gold is no asset at all, rather only a factor for suppression, this means, more accurately, for the domination of the folks. When I came to power, I possessed only one hope upon which I built, that was the proficiency, the ability of the German folk, of the German worker and the intelligence of our inventors, of our engineers, of our technicians, of our chemists etc., also the skill of countless organizers of our economy. I counted on that. I stood before a simple problem: Should we collapse then, perish, because we have no gold? Should I cling to an insanity that destroys us?
I represented the other view: If we have no gold, then we have a work force. And the German work force, that is our gold, and that is our capital. And with that gold, I defeat any other power in the world. For what do people live from then? Do they live, say, from ducats, which one gives them? They love from foodstuffs, which the peasant must create. Hence work must create that. They clothe themselves in fabrics, which must be fabricated. Hence the worker must fabricate them. They want to live in residences, which must be built. Hence the worker must build them. And the material for that and the raw materials must be created through work. I have built my whole economy only on the concept of work. And we have solved our problems. And the miraculous thing, my folk comrades, is that the capitalist lands have been wrecked in their currencies. One cannot sell the pound in the world today. If one throws it at somebody, then he steps aside so that he is not hit by it. And our mark, behind which no gold stands, it has remained stabile. You helped me to keep the mark stabile. The currency without gold is today more valuable than gold, for it is fluid production. This is owed to the German peasant, who has worked from early to late. And this is to be ascribed to the German worker, who put his whole energy into it.
And now the whole problem has been solves as if by magic.
If, my dear friends, I had publicly declared eight or nine years ago: In six, seven years the problem will no longer be: how do we reduce unemployment, rather the problem will then be: where do we get the work force?, if I had said that, it would have hurt me very much back then. For one would have declared: “He is crazy, one cannot go along with him at all, one cannot vote for him, he is a dreamer.” But this has today become reality. Today there is only one question among us: Where is the work force?
That, my folk comrades, is the blessing of work. Only work creates new work. Money does not create work, only work creates new work. Work creates assets, which reward people, who themselves want to work again. What the one creates, gives the other the prerequisite for his life and thus to his productivity. And if we organize our folk’s work force to the maximum, then more and more life goods will come to the individual. For the fact is that we integrated these seven millions unemployed into the economic process, that we turned another six million from part-time to full-time workers, and we have even come to overtime and that all that is paid with a Reichmark, which, as long as peace lasted, retained its value and which we only now in war ration, not because it loses value, rather because we now had to convert a portion of production to war production, in order to thereby be able to successfully survive the struggle for the German future.
That, my folk comrades, is also a world, which we have built here; a world of shared work, a work of shared exertions, but also a world of shared cares, shared duties.
I was not surprised that, in these other lands, one began with rationing only after two, after three, after five, after seven months, in part, after a year. Believe it, that is no coincidence. In all these lands, that is calculation. Perhaps many a German wondered that the ration stamps came already on the first day of the struggle in the morning. Yes, my folk comrades, this whole ration stamp system naturally has two sides. One will say: “Would it not be smarter, one would do without it in one or the other area? My God, you allot – what does this mean anyway – you allot only so many grams coffee. Nobody gets much. Otherwise at least some would get something.” – I admit that. That is precisely what we want to avoid. We simply want to avoid that, in the most important thing that belongs to life, the one has more than the other. There are other things: A valuable painting. Not everybody can buy himself a Tizian, even if he had the money, because Tizian did not paint so many paintings. Hence one can give that to one or the other, he should pay for it. He then gives out his money again in this manner and it then circulates again in a short time among mankind. But what is necessary to eat, there each has the same life claim. In the other states, one waited there. One first wrote: “Should meat be rationed?” That is the first warning shot. This hence means, if you have capital, stock up, buy yourself a refrigerator and store up some cracklings of ham. “Or should one ration coffee?” Two different views exist here, whether or not one should ration. But it would not be precluded that, in the end, the view triumphs that one should also ration coffee. This is written so for four weeks. Anybody who has some brains in his head – and this is naturally the case among the democrats – he says: “Hello, what, so coffee will soon be affected; hence buy coffee.” And then one rations. That means, when there is no longer anything there.
We want to avoid that. Hence we have now in this war right from the start undertaken these restrictions uniformly for all. And we do not take it lightly, if somebody transgresses against it.
But the one thing is sure, my folk comrades: If we take everything together, then we have here today a state that, economically and politically, is oriented differently than the western democracies. In this state, the folk determines existence without doubt. The folk determines in this state the guidelines of its leadership. For it has actually become possible in this state to first integrate the broad mass to the broadest extent into the party, this gigantic organization, which begins from below and encompasses millions of people, which has millions of functionaries. Those are all people from the folk. And it builds upward. There exists for the first time in our own German history a state, which has basically eliminated all social prejudices in filling positions. Not, say, now in civil life. I am myself, after all, the final document of this. I am not even a jurist – think what this means! – , nonetheless, I am your leader. Not only in life in general have we managed this, that people now come into all positions who come from the folk – Reich Regents, who were previously agricultural workers, who were who previously machinists – no, we have even made this breakthrough in the state, where the breakthrough seemed the most difficult, in the Wehrmacht as well. Thousands of officers are being promoted and have emerged from the enlisted ranks. Here, too, we have eliminated all inhibitions. Today we have generals who, 22, 23 years ago, were common solders, non-commissioned officers. We have overcome all inhibitions of social nature here.