The Lies of The Jews

Speech by Adolf Hitler
What brought Germany down back then, were the lies of our opponents. They were the lies of the same men who also lie again today, because, after all, they are the same war mongers, for Mr. Churchill and comrades, after all, already back then participated in the war. That far, things have remained the same, after all. Only something has changed: Back then, Mr. Churchill agitated for war, and there was a weak government in Germany. Today, Mr. Churchill again agitates for war, but there is now a different government in Germany! For the government of today, after all, faced the English back then. And it hence does not have more respect than one needs to have for any other soldier, but also not the slightest feeling of inferiority, rather, quite the opposite, the feeling of superiority.
The lies were the same as today. – With what did England go to war back then? One said back then: First, Great Britain fights for the freedom of the little nations. We then later saw how England treated the freedom of these little nations, how little, above all, these so-called statesmen concerned themselves with the freedom of these little nations, how they suppressed minorities, mistreated folks and they also do this today, after all, insofar as it corresponds to their goals and fits their program. Then one said: England fights for justice! England, however, had for 300 years already fought for justice and received as reward for it from the dear Lord roughly 40 million square kilometers on earth and, furthermore, 480 million people to rule over. So does God reward the folks who fight “only for justice”! Especially the folks, who fight for the “self-determination of the others”; for England, after all, back then also fought for the right of self-determination. One declared: The British soldier does not go to the field for any selfish interests at all. He fights for the right of self-determination of the folks. – One could have then expected that immediately after the war England, leastwise in its own world empire, England would proclaim self-determination. But one spared oneself that or one saved oneself for the next war!
And then England fought back then for “civilization”, but that exists only in England. Only in the English mining regions does civilization exist, only in the English slums does civilization exist, in Whitechapel and in the other quarters of mass misery and of decay!
And furthermore, back then – and also since then – England goes to the field for “humanity”. But one first loaded humanity into shells as gunpowder. But one may also fight with poor weapons, after all, if one just fights for a noble, lofty goal. And England has always done that!
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And one went a step farther. One declared back then: We English do not fight against the German folk at all, quite the opposite, the German folk, we English love it; we, the Churchills, the Chamberlains etc., we do not fight against the German folk. We all only fight against the regime suppressing the German folk. For we English have only one task: to free Germany from its regime in order to make the German folk happy. And for this purpose, we English fight above all for it that the German folk is relieved of the burdens of its militarism. It should become free, it could go so far that it no longer needs to bear any weapons. And if it should ever itself have a wish, then we want to go a step farther. We want to prevent it from ever again being able to bear weapons, in order to make it completely free, the German folk. And one declared it is furthermore a mean trick, if one claims of us English that we had, say, anything against German commerce in the whole world. Quite the opposite, we want to secure freedom of trade in the whole world. We hence also have nothing against the German merchant marine. That is also a lie – declared Mr. Churchill back then. And one further declared that it is an even more infamous defamation, if, say, one wants to ascribe to the English as war goal that they had designs on the German colonies, a mean trick to even just think such a thing. So did one declare 1914, 1915, 1916, 1917 and even still in 1918.
One went a step farther. One did not fight for victory at all, one fought for a peace of agreement, a peace of reconciliation, above all, for a peace of equality of rights. And this peace, it should then enable it that in the future one would be able to renounce armaments at all. For one also fought against war, after all. England waged war – so did one say – in order to finally eradicate war. England has always only waged war, after all, in order to eradicate war, namely the war of those upon whom war is waged, the resistance of those attacked. One hence declared there could be no talk that, say, it was the goal of British war policy to fetch war reparations from the German folk, rather, quite the opposite, one strove for a peace without reparations, and as crowning of this peace then, after a general disarmament, an eternal league of nations.
And then the great second Woodrow Wilson summed all that up in 14 points and then later supplemented it with another three points, those famous points, in which we were assured we first did not have to fear being treated, say, unfairly, that we had to lay down our arms only in trust in the word of England and of the other allies, in order to then be accepted into a genuine community of folks, in which there would no longer be victors and vanquished, in which only right should rule. One promised us that only then would the colonies be fairly distributed, that all legal claims and justified claims to colonies would find their consideration etc.. And all that was then supposed to find its final crowning in the League of Nations, the final consecration, the league of all nations. And war was thereby then supposed to be definitively eliminated from this world, and now an eternal peace should come.
And that was all understood, after all, from the English standpoint. If somebody has conquered 40 million square kilometers with approximately 46 million people, if, with these 46 million people, one has subjugated 480 million others, then it is understandable, after all, if the person affected now has the wish that now peace should finally prevail. For 300 years, we have waged war against the war. For 300 years, we have enriched ourselves. For 300 years, we have subjugated land after land, knocked down folk after folk. But now we have the world, and now there should be peace! – That is understandable. It was hence also understandable that one now really wanted to carry out in the League of Nations a kind of sterilization of the now set in condition.
But, after all, everything then turned out differently. Today an English minister stands up and says with tears in his eyes: Oh, how gladly would we have nonetheless come to an agreement with Germany, if only we could have trust in the word of German governments.
Exactly the same thing lies on my tongue! Oh, how gladly would we have nonetheless come to an agreement with an Englishman, if only we could have trust in the word of his leadership! For when has a folk ever more been vilely lied to and swindled and deceived than in the last two decades the German folk by English statesmen!
Where was the promised freedom of folks?
Where was justice back then?
Where was the self-determination of folks?
Where was the renunciation of contributions and war reparations etc.?
Where was the promised regulation of the colonial problem?
Where was the solemn declaration that one did not want to take away from Germany its colonies?
Where was the sacred assurance than one did not have the intention of burdening us with unbearable burdens? Where, finally, were the assurances that we would be accepted as nation with equal rights into the lap of this so-called League of Nations?
Where was the assurance that a general disarmament would take place?
Nothing but lies!
One has taken our colonies away from us, one has destroyed our trade, one has stolen our military fleet, one has torn away from us millions of Germans, one allowed them to be mistreated, one has plundered our folk, one has burdened us with contributions and burdens that we would not have been able to pay off in a hundred years. One has plunged us into deepest misery. And from this misery has come the National Socialist movement.
One should not act today as if one wanted to open, say, for a Germany that was not National Socialist, as if one wanted to open for it, say, the golden British heart. The Germany that we once knew was, God knows, anything else but National Socialist; it was democratic, it was cosmopolitan, it believed blindly in the assurances of British statesmen. This Germany had trust back then, it disarmed itself, it dishonored itself. And it was only deceived! And from the distress that came from it, our movement has come! And from the greatest breach of word of all times, a Spa came and later a Versailles, that treaty of shame; for you know it, my old comrades, how precisely from this spot I portrayed to you hundreds and hundreds of times, point by point. Over 400 articles, in each of these articles is and was partially an insult, partially a rape of a great nation. The result of it was then this time of misery and of desperation, in it as well the time of inflation, of the theft of all savings, of the theft of all life possibilities, the time of great unemployment, of the slow starvation of our folk, the time of tremendous suicides in Germany. For back then, this Germany had more suicides in two years than Americans who fell over the course of the war in the west.
From this great distress has arisen our movement, and it has hence had to make difficult decisions from the first day on.
And one of these decisions was the revolt of November 8/9, 1923. This decision seemingly failed back then, only, Germany’s rescue has first really come from these sacrifices. 16 dead! Just that millions have been pulled up by them. The National Socialist movement began its triumphant march through Germany back then.
And since then, Germany has become a world power – through our movement! Certainly, it was understandable that the old enemy would stir again at the moment, when we should have overcome the consequences of the defeats.
There are without a doubt two kinds of England. We not want to be unfair here. In England as well, there are numerous people for whom this whole hypocritical bearing is inwardly hated, who have nothing to do with it. Only they are either silenced there or they are speechless. Decisive for us is that we have never found these Englishmen, for whom we ourselves have searched for years. You know how I have endeavored for almost two years to struggle for agreement and for agreement with England. Our whole goal setting was a single limitation of German policy in the sense of the enabling of the achievement of an agreement with England; likewise an agreement with France. What all did we not write off here, what did we not renounce! One thing, however, was self-evident: A German government cannot pronounce a renunciation of life! And the National Socialist government does not think at all about pronouncing a renunciation of life! Quite the opposite, we have come, after all, out of protest against the previous renunciation of life by our democratic world. I do not think at all about pronouncing a renunciation of life, rather, quite the opposite, I will succeed with the life and the security of the German folk and Reich!
I have never presumed to butt into, say, British or French interests. If an Englishman exists today who now stands up and says: We are responsible for the fate of the folks of Central Europe, we are responsible for the fate of the folks of Eastern Europe, then I can only say to this gentleman: Precisely so could we declare, we are responsible for the folks in Palestine, for the fate of the folks in Egypt, for the fate of the folks, for all I care, in India.
If an Englishman says: Our border lies on the Rhine, and the next comes and says: Our border lies on the Vistula, then I can only say to him: See to it, sir, that you get back to the River Thames, otherwise we will help you to find your real borders!
Present day Germany, at any rate, is willing and determined to secure its borders and to protect its living space. It is the space that the English have not cultivated, rather we! We have gone nowhere the English had already brought culture.
If Lord Halifax now declares in his speech of yesterday that he stands up for the arts and culture, and for that purpose Germany must be destroyed, then we can only say: Sir, we already had culture when you still had no idea of culture. And in the last six years, more has been accomplished in Germany than in the last 100 years in England! And whither we have previously gone, we did not find there cultural monuments of British culture apostles, rather the cultural monuments of Germans. I have sought in vain in Prague, or Poland, or Graudenz, or in Thorn, or in Danzig, or in Vienna, to find British cultural monuments. Perhaps these British cultural monuments stand in Egypt or in India…
… This new Germany, as you all know, possesses no war goal at all against England or France. I took a stand on this in my last speech as well, when I offered my hand to England and France for the last time. If one now nonetheless attacks us, then that can have nothing to do with, say, the question of Austria or the Czech land or Poland, for, after all, generally one immediately very quickly forgot the questions according to need. And besides, the case of Poland, after all, shows how little England in itself is interested in the existence of states, for otherwise, after all, it would have had to declare war on Soviet Russia as well, since Poland, after all, was roughly halved. But the English say: No, that is no longer the decisive thing at all now, we now have another war goal again. First, it was Poland’s freedom, then – then it was Nazism, then it was again the guarantees for the future. Now it will be something else. They will simply wage war, as long as, above all, they find somebody who is willing to wage war with them, this means, who is willing to let himself as well be sacrificed for them. The reasons are the old slogans. If one namely declares that one now wants to stand up for freedom, for freedom overall and in particular, then Great Britain, after all, could give the world a wonderful example in that it finally bestows full freedom upon its own nationalities.
How noble would this British crusade then immediately look, if it had been introduced with the proclamation of freedom for the 350 million Indians or if it had been introduced with the proclamation of independence, of free right of plebiscite, for all other British colonies! How glorious would this British crusade then look, and how gladly would we then bow before such an England! Initially, however, we see how this England itself suppresses hundreds of millions of people, how this same England has looked on as numerous millions of Germans have been suppressed. It hence does not move us in the least, if today a British minister exclaims with crying eyes that England has only idealistic goals, no selfish ones at all. Britain has never yet had them. – I already said that Britain has never yet fought for selfish goals, rather the dear Lord has in the execution of the fighting only then bestowed upon England the regions and the people as reward for fighting unselfishly. Hence if they now declare again that they possess no selfish goals, then this is ridiculous. That does not move us, and the German folk can really only be amazed that barely 20 years after such a huge world swindle one can still serve up the same swindle.
Or, if one says that one stands up for culture. England as culture creator is a factor for itself. We have few traces of a real British cultural creative activity in other lands. England’s cultural activity is limited almost exclusively to the British motherland itself and to those regions that are practically subjugated to this British motherland. Otherwise we can see nothing of a cultural activity. We Germans do not need to let ourselves be taken in by the English in the sphere of culture at all. Our music, our literature, our architecture, our painting, our sculpture can absolutely compare itself with the English and the English arts. Still, I believe one individual –well, let us say: Beethoven – has musically accomplished more than all Englishmen of the past and present together. And the nurturing of this culture, we also look after that better than the English can at all.


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